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Associated Baptist Press WASHINGTON (ABP) -- With the Supreme Court’s oldest and longest-serving member announcing April 9 his retirement, advocates for strong church-state separation urged that Justice John Paul Stevens’ replacement be as devoted to preventing government establishment of religion as the retiring jurist.
However, some called for a successor who can improve on what they view as Stevens’ mixed record when it comes to enforcing the other half of the First Amendment’s religion clauses -- protecting the free exercise of faith.
“Justice Stevens is an icon -- a thoughtful, perceptive justice who understands the role of church-state separation in American life,” said Barry Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, in a press release. “It is vitally important that President Obama choose a high-court nominee who understands that government may not meddle in matters of religion.”
Stevens is widely regarded as the court’s most liberal member, although his jurisprudence has drifted leftward since he was first nominated by a Republican president -- Gerald Ford -- in 1975. His tenure has also coincided with a significant rightward shift in the court’s overall makeup.
Throughout his tenure Stevens has consistently opposed government entities promoting or endorsing religion. In 1985’s Wallace v. Jaffree decision, he helped strike down a law permitting student-led prayer in Alabama’s public schools. In the 2000 Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, Stevens wrote the majority opinion overruling a Texas school district’s policy that encouraged student-led prayers prior to school events.
Then-Chief Justice William Rehnquist, writing for the court’s three-member minority in the Santa Fe case, said Stevens’ opinion “bristles with hostility to all things religious in public life.”
In 2002, Stevens dissented from the court’s 5-4 decision in Zelman v. Simmons-Harris upholding an Ohio program that provided government-funded scholarships that students could use at religious schools. “Whenever we remove a brick from the wall that was designed to separate religion and government,” the justice warned, “we increase the risk of religious strife and weaken the foundation of our democracy.” Brent Walker
Brent Walker of the Washington-based Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty, said Stevens has always “stood uniformly against government-sponsored religious speech and government endorsement of religion.”
However, he added, Stevens’ “willingness to require -- or sometimes even to permit -- the accommodation of religion under the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause has been lacking.”
Walker noted that Stevens had joined the court’s majority in one of the high court’s most-panned decisions of the last 30 years among advocates of religious liberty -- the 1990 Employment Division v. Smith case. The ruling effectively proscribed the right of an American Indian sect to smoke the hallucinogenic substance peyote as part of its religious ceremonies -- but its effects reached far beyond the Native American Church.
The Smith decision “gutted the Free Exercise Clause of its robust religious-liberty protection for all Americans,” Walker said.
Those who hold a more accomodationist view of church-state relations have echoed Rehnquist’s criticism of Stevens’ jurisprudence as “hostile” to faith. Douglas Laycock, a University of Michigan Law School professor and nationally known expert on church-state issues, wrote in 2004 that Stevens viewed religion as “subject to all the burdens of government, but entitled to few of its benefits.”
But his defenders have noted that Stevens ruled in favor of protections for religious groups against government encroachment in other cases. They include Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah and Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union School District decisions, both handed down in 1993.
The BJC’s Walker said that Stevens has been more champion than enemy of religious freedom.
“On balance, Justice Stevens has been a thoughtful, diligent jurist who has served the court and this country admirably,” he said. “I trust President Obama will nominate someone who embraces Justice Stevens’ understanding of the importance of the non-establishment principle, but who will be willing to permit -- or even require -- the government’s accommodation of religion in appropriate cases and to respect the autonomy rights of religion and religious organizations.”
Little is known so far about the religious-liberty views of Stevens’ potential successors (current Solicitor General Elena Kagan, the government’s top advocate before the high court, is widely rumored to be a top contender). But one thing is certain: Once Stevens steps down at the end of the court’s 2009-2010 term in June, the nation's highest court will not include a single Protestant.
While the Supreme Court’s makeup was overwhelmingly Protestant from the nation’s founding until the latter half of the 20th century, Justice David Souter’s retirement last year left Stevens as the only Protestant on a court otherwise composed of Catholic and Jewish justices. If Obama does not choose -- and the Senate does not confirm -- a Protestant nominee to replace Stevens, it will be the first time in American history that the nation’s largest religious subgroup is not represented at the apex of its judiciary.
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Religion News Service As Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens prepares for retirement, religious advocates are cheering his support of church-state separation and readying for the battle over his successor. Stevens, the court's oldest justice at age 89, sent a letter to President Obama Friday, April 9, informing him that he would retire when the high court concludes for this year's summer recess. "Justice Stevens is an icon -- a thoughtful, perceptive justice who understands the role of church-state separation in American life," said the Rev. Barry Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State. "It is vitally important that President Obama choose a high court nominee who understands that government may not meddle in matters of religion." In a strongly worded dissent in a 2002 ruling upholding an Ohio voucher program that benefited private religious schools, Stevens wrote: "Whenever we remove a brick from the wall that was designed to separate religion and government, we increase the risk of religious strife and weaken the foundations of our democracy." The Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty praised Stevens as "a friend of church-state separation," but criticized his siding with a 1990 ruling that allowed Oregon anti-drug laws to halt the use of peyote, a hallucinogenic drug, in Native American religious ceremonies. J. Brent Walker, the committee's executive director, said he hopes Obama will nominate a successor "who will be willing to permit -- or even require -- the government's accommodation of religion in appropriate cases and to respect the autonomy rights of religion and religious organizations." Jay Sekulow, chief counsel of the American Center for Law and Justice, a conservative Christian law firm, called for a thorough confirmation process for Stevens' successor, "with specific focus on the nominee's judicial philosophy including how the nominee views the Constitution, the role of judges, and the rule of law." |
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By John Dart/ The Christian Century
Despite public school controversies that generate sparks every December, church-state columnist Charles Haynes of the Freedom Forum recently wrote, "The First Amendment solution is stunningly simple: Schools should plan holiday programs that are educational in purpose and balanced in content [but] to pretend Christmas doesn't exist . . . is just plain silly."
A diverse group of U.S. experts on religious rights and limits on religious expression in public settings issued a consensus statement on what the current laws say on 35 recurring issues-often in matters where religious activity and government roles may appear to be intertwined.
"This should put aside some of the red herrings in the public debate," said Holly Hollman, general counsel for the Baptist Joint Committee on Religious Liberty. "There is more clarity in the law than many would assume from the heated debates in the media and elsewhere."
Among those contributing to the document were Colby May, general counsel for the conservative American Center for Law & Justice, and Richard Land, the principal spokesman for the Southern Baptist Convention on church-state matters.
The joint statement was released January 12 at a panel discussion moderated by senior fellow E. J. Dionne at the nonpartisan Brookings Institution in Washington. (The complete statement is available at divinity.wfu.edu/rpa.)
The project evolved from a 2005 meeting of experts discussing earlier joint statements that helped clarify rules on religious expression in public schools.
The new and wider effort to discuss religion and politics, chaplaincies in government institutions and religion in the workplace, among other topics, was led by Melissa Rogers, who directs Wake Forest School of Divinity Center for Religion and Public Affairs.
Rogers, according to the Washington Post's online "On Faith" column, was chosen by peers January 11 on the President's Advisory Council on Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships to chair the council's work on its final report. A council teleconference that day struggled over whether religious groups receiving federal funds should have to cover up religious icons in buildings where they are serving those in need. Agreement was not reached at that point.
Haynes, a senior fellow at the Free dom Forum who helped to draft the consensus statement released January 12-a project entirely separate from White House faith-based deliberations-has shared with Rogers a frustration over what she called "so many false claims" about the law. "There has been an incredibly brain-dead discussion about religious expression in American public life in so many contexts," she said in the panel discussion at Brookings.
Does the joint statement "Religious Expression in American Public Life" end all controversies? No, says a caveat in the second paragraph: "The drafters of this document often disagree about how the law should address issues regarding the intersection of religion and government." Put another way, the statement continues: "However much we differ about what the law should be, we agree in many cases on what the law is today."
John Dart is news editor at the Century.
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Associated Baptist Press WASHINGTON (ABP) -- Although the case of a lonely cross on federal land in California’s Mojave Desert ultimately could have wide-ranging implications for the separation of church and state, justices on the Supreme Court spent much of the Oct. 7 oral arguments asking attorneys about highly technical and procedural issues.
Justices heard from attorneys for both sides in the Salazar v. Buono case (No. 08-472), a dispute about whether the government can maintain a cross as a monument honoring fallen soldiers or if by displaying a Christian symbol the government unconstitutionally establishes religion.
Supporters of strong church-state separation feared the court might use the case to severely limit the ability of citizens to file lawsuits against the establishment of religion, but justices spent much more time debating whether the case could be decided on the narrower issue of actions by Congress attempting to preserve the cross.
“The injunction says the government is enjoined from permitting the display of the Latin cross, period. Once this law takes effect and you follow it, you are violating that injunction. You don't need nine proceedings to see that; you’re violating it,” said Justice Steven Breyer, speaking to Solicitor General Elena Kagan, who argued for the cross on behalf of the Obama administration.
The cross -- successor to one first erected as a World War I memorial in 1934 -- stands atop Sunrise Rock, next to a road in a remote part of the Mojave National Preserve.
Although several crosses erected by private groups have stood on the spot over the years, the current version was built of painted metal pipes by a local resident in 1998.
The following year the National Park Service, which oversees the land, denied an application to build a Buddhist shrine near the cross. The agency studied the history of the monument, said it did not qualify as a historic landmark and announced plans to remove it. Congress intervened with a series of amendments to spending bills that effectively preserved the cross.
In 2001 Frank Buono, a Catholic and a retired National Park Service employee who once worked at the preserve, filed suit with the help of the American Civil Liberties Union. They claimed that the cross violated the First Amendment’s ban on government establishment of religion.
A series of federal-court decisions ruled against both the cross and the attempts to preserve it. In 2007, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against one of the congressional actions, which ordered the government to give a tiny parcel of land under the cross to the Veterans of Foreign Wars in exchange for a privately owned plot elsewhere in the park. President Bush's administration appealed the ruling, and Obama’s Justice Department continued to defend the congressional action as valid.
In the Oct. 7 arguments, much of the discussion turned on the procedural validity of Kagan’s assertion that the government action to remedy the constitutional violation was sufficient.
A few moments of argument did highlight one significant First Amendment controversy in the case: Whether such a monument on public land could serve a secular purpose. In response to an assertion that the cross honored only Christian war dead by Los Angeles attorney Peter Eliasberg, who argued Buono’s side in the case, Justice Antonin Scalia asked, “The cross doesn't honor non-Christians who fought in the war?”
Eliasberg responded, “A cross is the predominant symbol of Christianity and it signifies that Jesus is the son of God and died to redeem mankind for our sins....”
Scalia replied, “It's erected as a war memorial. I assume it is erected in honor of all of the war dead." Describing the cross as the "most common symbol of the resting place of the dead," he asked: What would you have them erect? A cross -- some conglomerate of a cross, a Star of David, and you know, a Muslim half moon and star?”
Eliasberg retorted: “The cross is the most common symbol of the resting place of Christians. I have been in Jewish cemeteries. There is never a cross on a tombstone of a Jew.” The comment brought laughter to the courtroom.
The justices barely discussed one issue that worried church-state separationists significantly about the case -- whether Buono had legal standing to sue the government over the cross in the first place.
In court filings, attorneys for the Obama administration had argued that Buono did not have a right to challenge the cross because, among other reasons, as a Christian he is not injured or offended by the sight of the cross.
A friend-of-the-court brief filed by the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty and the Interfaith Alliance said that argument, if accepted, would lead to gross violations of religious freedom.
The brief argued that Buono had every right, as a Christian, to feel injured by the government’s endorsement of his religion because such an endorsement inherently damages the faith.
“Seeing one’s faith receive preferential government treatment, while aware that no minority faith would receive that treatment, demonstrates the government’s perversion of religion for its own ends,” the brief said. “The government is taking something that should be a symbol of voluntary religious belief and practice and using it in a way that alters its apparent symbolism by making it look like an ‘official’ faith.
“It is not surprising that devout, voluntary adherents of a religion would not want to send the signal to those who do not share in the religion of the majority that they are political outsiders. Where the government endorses one religion over all others, it weakens the sanctity of that religion and its beliefs.”
But K. Hollyn Hollman, the BJC’s general counsel and one of the authors of the brief, said she was somewhat relieved by the tenor of the oral arguments in the case.
“There were more questions about the government's ability to raise a standing defense than about Mr. Buono's standing. While certainly not determinative of how the court will rule, there appeared to be less interest in limiting standing in this case than we feared,” she said.
Hollman added that one way the court could dispose of the case without doing much damage to religious liberty would be to “find that Congress took adequate steps to distance the government from the cross by selling it to a private landowner. I think there will be significant divisions among the members of the court on the specific facts that weigh for and against that conclusion.” |
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Associated Baptist Press
FORT OGLETHORPE, Ga. -- Hundreds of people gathered Sept. 30 in northern Georgia to support cheerleaders at a public high school ordered to stop using religious messages on banners carried on the field during football games.
Cheerleaders at Lakeview-Fort Oglethorpe High School have used inspirational Bible verses like Philippians 4:13 -- "I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me" -- on paper banners that players burst through as they rush onto the field for years. The school is located in a bedroom community near Chattanooga, Tenn., just across the state line.
The practice ended abruptly when a single resident complained verbally to the superintendent that the school was breaking federal law. After consulting their attorney, Catoosa County Public School officials determined the religious signs violated the First Amendment's prohibition on government establishment of religion.
Superintendent Denia Reese said she personally appreciated the signs and reads the Bible daily, but she had the responsibility of protecting the school district from lawsuits. She said federal courts have ruled that religious activities at high-school football games create the "inescapable conclusion" that the school unconstitutionally endorses the religion.
Supporters of the cheerleaders contend the banners are legal, because they are initiated by students and not paid for with public funds. Cheerleaders prepare the signs in advance over the summer, when school is not in session.
A rally scheduled at a Chick-fil-A restaurant had to be moved to an open athletic field to accommodate a crowd estimated at more than 500.
"The cheerleaders are not trying to push a religious cause, to shove religion down someone's throat," Brad Scott, director of student ministries at Fairview Baptist Church and an organizer of the rally, said, according to the Chattanooga Times-Free Press. "The cheerleaders are just using Scripture to show motivation and inspiration to the players and the fans."
Scott, who was president of the school's graduating class in 2004, told the newspaper there was a complaint about the signs when he was a student, but the cheerleaders were allowed to keep them because they were students and, in his view, not agents of the state.
Scott and other area youth ministers started a Facebook group called "We Support the LFO Cheerleaders! LET THEM HAVE THEIR SIGNS BACK!" which attracted nearly 4,000 members and prompted nearly 500 wall posts. Scott said he was surprised by the response.
"I think the response we're getting is people are tired of this, tired of the government taking away our rights telling us what we can and cannot do when it comes to our freedom of speech," Scott said, according to Chattanooga CBS television affiliate WDEF.
The district superintendent said the problem is not the signs but their placement. She said the cheerleaders could continue to use the banners prior to games in a designated area outside of the football stadium.
Cheerleader coach Susan Bradley told the Times-Free Press the girls would obey the superintendent and make new signs with acceptable slogans to use on the field.
But that doesn't mean they agree. Two cheerleaders appeared in uniform on Fox News to voice their disapproval. "The majority is Christians, and it's just not fair that we can't spread God's Word," said cheerleader Courtney Born. "It's just our football team running through motivational Bible verses. I mean it doesn't hurt anything."
Legally, experts say it boils down to a question of whether cheerleaders in uniform on the field at a football game speak only for themselves or if they are representing the school.
"Religious freedom is a fundamental right, and public-school students have many opportunities to express their religious views," said Brent Walker, executive director of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty. "Public schools, however, must refrain from sponsoring religious exercises or otherwise promoting religion."
"School-sponsored events should not send a religious message," Walker said. He said the Georgia school system "gets it right in saying parents should be able to trust that the public education their children are receiving does not purposely advance religious views." |
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